Textile industry

 

A traditional industry?

The indigenous population of Otavalo has been producing textiles since pre-Inca times. They have a long history of weavers and traveling merchants. After the Inca conquest of the region and throughout the following time under Spanish colonial rule, the Otavalos continued to produce textiles, not only their traditional styles for themselves, but also nontraditional clothing and other textiles like tablecloths for other Indians and for the Europeans. This is still the case today, so in terms of following traditions it can be stated that “for 450 years it has been traditional for Otavalos to make nontraditional cloth” (Meisch 2002, 21).

 

How are textiles produced?

In earlier times, clothing was handspun from cotton and woven on a back strap loom. When the Spanish came they brought with them some new European “technology” like the treadle loom, the spinning wheel and hand carders. They also introduced sheep (cf. Meisch 2002, 21). With this new equipment larger quantities of cloth could be produced in a shorter amount of time and a great deal of it was produced for commercial purposes. During the colonial era, many Otavalos as well as other Indians worked for the Spanish and were “ruthlessly exploited” (21) in textile sweatshops. The modern textile production is still based on these technologies and in addition to wool and cotton, synthetic fibers such as acrylic are commonly used (cf. Meisch 1994).

 

Who produces the textiles today?

The textile production in Otavalo is mostly household-based, which means that often the whole family, men and women and even occasionally children (after school), are involved in the production. Families sometimes specialize in one or the other product, but at the same time they remain flexible and often adapt to trends and demands (cf. Meisch 2002, 48). There are also three local factories in the region, with about 400 employees (cf. 51).

 

What is produced?

There is a wide range of Otavalo-made products available, including traditional as well as high-fashion clothing, blankets, tablecloths, tapestries, purses, jewelry and much more. There are also lots of different designs available. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Where is it sold?

The most famous place to buy their products is the market in Otavalo. The largest market is on Saturdays and Wednesdays, but you can basically shop at the Plaza de los Ponchos throughout the whole week. Another opportunity to buy Otavalo clothes and other crafts is at the many local shops. Some families even sell their products from their homes. There are also boutiques in Quito that sell textiles made by Otavalos. Traveling also plays an important role in the selling of products and there are many merchants who travel across Ecuador, other Latin American countries and also North America and Europe to sell the textiles made in Otavalo.

 

How international is the business?

Like it was mentioned above, the Otavalos export and sell their products all around the world. There are several permanent overseas communities, like for example in Amsterdam and Barcelona, where Otavalos live and market their crafts. According to Meisch, about 10% of the community is abroad at any one time (cf. Brysk 175). But not only is the marketing of products international, even production is influenced by international forces: Otavalos import wool from other Latin-American countries like Uruguay, Bolivia and Peru (cf. 176) and also the designs are inspired from different places all around the world. 

 

Who profits from this?

It is estimated that in the 1980s exports from Otavalo “amounted to more than $2 million” (175) every year. Additionally the thousands of tourists who come to Otavalo spent about $7 million more to buy their crafts. It seems like people in Otavalo really profit from this, as most of them are “healthy and well nourished” (175), a few even attend university (Otavalo even has its own university, the Universidad de Otavalo) and invest quite some money in real estate in their town. Brysk points out that “Otavalo is the most prosperous indigenous community in Ecuador (and perhaps in all of South America)” (175). But while some Otavalos are indeed very successful, economically as well as politically as leaders of Indian organizations (like the FICI, Federación Indígena y Campesina de Imbabura), there is also a growing inequality within the community, and “most Otavalos still depend on agriculture” (177).

 

Cultural Identity for sale?

When the indigenous people of Otavalo sell their crafts, they actually market an image of their cultural identity. While this can be used as an opportunity to “preserve or revive cultural forms” (178), the process of export also changes their identity. Crafts are produced mainly for sale to foreign tourists and therefore adjusted to their tastes and “weaving designs are made less complex in order to speed up production schedules” (178). So what is really left of the cultural identity of the people of Otavalo?